Sri Lanka's local election, excluding the North and Eastern Districts where the election was postponed under the Emergency Regulations, was held this year on the 21 March. The campaign and the election itself were marred by violence, intimidation, ballot manipulation, and a variety of other allegations, argued by some to be the most tainted election in the history of this nation.
The campaign
From the campaigns' very inception, press coverage during the election period indicated that neither major party was interested in discussing issues relevent to a local election. The parties instead chose to use the election as proof of confidence (or lack of) in the government, accusing each other of corruption and other crimes, thus ensuring that the election would remain filled with emotion and devoid of substance.
The PA's (Peoples Alliance) campaign consisted of reminding the citizens that the UNP (United National Party) was, for 'the past 17 years' (1977-94) responsible for terror tactics and other human rights violations. As if to reinforce this message, the PA's campaign posters depicted scenes of torture victims and human skulls.
The UNP campaign was similarly accusatory and empty of substance, outlining episodes, in full page newspaper ads, of corruption and unfulfilled promises by the PA since the PA took office in '94.The violence
Besides the aforementioned lack of substance, this election was especially alarming for the unprecedented amount of violence and other election law violations perpetrated primarily by supporters from the two major parties. The assassination on February 11 of Nalanda Ellawela, a PA Minister of Parliament in the Ratnapura district, allegedly committed by UNP legislator Susantha Punchinilame and other UNP supporters, was perhaps the most defining moment of the election, sparking nearly a week of violent rampage, which included the burning of homes and buildings belonging to UNP supporters. This event guaranteed the cyc le of violence would continue throughout the election.
In addition to the initial violent aftermath, the assassination decided the nature of the rest of the campaign, with both parties calling for and promising an end to political violence, resulting in nothing more than rhetoric, while accusing each other of same.
One of the tactics the President used to counter the violence was to call for the confiscation of all weapons possessed by members of the political parties, weapons that were initially issued during the UNP era. An amnesty was given until 15 March for all who voluntarily turned in their weapons. Even though a large amount of weapons were turned in, a greater number of politicos and their supporter s ignored the call, reducing the weapons issue to media fodder, while the episodes of beatings, intimidation, and harrassment continued. Up to and including election day, the final tally of incidents of election-related violence, including murder, attempted murder, assault, intimidation, arson and others, exceeded 1800. It is estimated that over 90% of these incidents resulted from the rivalry between the UNP and the PA, with the majority of the accusations made by the UNP towards the PA.
Analysis by local pundits of the various r eports of violent incidents suggest that the great majority of the incidents stemmed more from local rivalries amongst party supporters than from top-down policy. However, the PA leadership has been criticised of fueling the UNP-PA bitterness in the course of the campaign, creating an election atmosphere that was used as a vehicle for revenge by PA supporters.
As far as other violations of election law, the most flagrant example was the widespread distribution and display of handbills and posters. According to Section 81 B of the Local Authorities Election Ordinance, as of the first day of Nomination of the Election (in this case 12 February) through to the day following the election, no person shall display any handbill, placard poster, drawing, notic e,etc. in any premises whether public or private, at any place the public have right or access to, or on or across any public road for the purpose of promoting any candidate. Many Sri Lankans are seemingly unaware of this regulation and understandably so since all evidence indicates that it is completely ignored. Posters were displayed everywhere and on everything; the whole of Sri Lanka was wallp apered with campaign posters.
Election law put the final time for campaigning at 12 midnight on the 18 March, at which time all forms of campaigning were to cease. This ordinance was also flagrantly disregarded, with even candidates themselves canvassing the neighborhoods in Colombo as well as other parts of the island.
Election Day and Results
Two organisations, PAFFREL (Peoples Alliance for Free and Fair Elections) and MFFE (Movement for Free and Fair Elections), after having meetings with both the UNP and the PA, coordinated and assigned a series of election monitoring groups to monitor the activities at the local polling stations. Peace Brigades International was requested by PAFFREL/MFFE to accompany the monitoring teams as they obs erve the activities at the polling stations and their surrounding communities in the electoral districts of Puttalum, Ratnapura, and Kandy, considered by the monitoring organisation as potential trouble spots.
As far as violent incidents were concerned, election day proved relatively calm in comparison to the campaign days. The greater part of the reports of violence described incidents of intimidation, harrassment, and even abduction of polling agents, usually agents who represented the UNP. PAFFREL/MFFE election monitors reported that a large number of polling stations lacked anyone other than PA poll ing agents. Upon questioning, witnesses described incidents of polling agents and their families being threatened if they turned up to their assigned positions at the polling stations. With only one party represented in many polling stations, violation of election law was widespread. PAFFREL/MFFE monitors reported incidents of polling cards seized by force from post offices as well as individuals. Other reports included widespread voter impersonation and incidents of candidates and supporters of the political parties gathering in or near the polling stations and "influencing" th e voters. According to the PAFFREL/MFFE monitors' preliminary report, these examples of election law infringement were committed on a scale large enough to affect the outcome of the election and ultimately flew in the face of democratic process.
The election resulted in a victory by the PA, which won 194 of the 238 local councils at stake. The opposition UNP managed to win 43 seats, including the city of Colombo. An independent group took the remaining seat.
The PA considers this victory a clear mandate for it's devolution package and, according to local pundits, may now risk a referendum and/or a snap general election. Whether the victory at the polls does actually represent a mandate is difficult to ascertain.
The response of the UNP to the election results has been to file a complaint with the Election Commissioner claiming the election as invalid.They accuse the PA of intimidation and vote rigging, pointing out that the unusually high voter turnout, estimated at 77%, is a clear indication of election fraud.
PAFFREL/MFFE will publish their findings sometime in May.
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