Following recommendations from a small number of Colombo-based NGOs and activists, Peace Brigades International (PBI) organized an exploratory trip to Trincomalee in the war-torn Eastern Province of Sri Lanka. Contacts described various reports of human rights abuses taking place in the area, and advised that the team could expect to receive regular requests from local activists if Trincomalee-based NGOs first became more familiar with the nature of Peace Brigades' work.Due to its strategic and economic importance - Trincomalee Harbour is considered possibly the best deep water port in the world - Tincomalee town has been very well fortified and stands little risk of becoming a major battleground. However, the area has long been a prime target for high profile attacks by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (the Tigers), and concerns abound within both the military and the civilian population that the Tigers will use Trincomalee as a major theater in which to embarrass the Sri Lankan Military.
Rumours about possible Tiger operations flourish throughout the city, claiming that a "pistol gang" is aiming to assassinate major public figures or that suicide-bombers have infiltrated and will attack the navy base again.
So far, a lone pistol-carrying Tiger operative has been apprehended, two policemen and two alleged informers have been assassinated, and, in a separate incident, a small cache of hand-grenades was discovered. The security forces throughout the district have used these two examples to justify the increased use of random round-ups and detentions. For example, reports indicate that the Police and Army in Trincomalee town are working together, traveling throughout the city with a police bus and filling it up with new detainees daily.
PBI contacts are very concerned about the number of arrests involved in this process, especially because the forces seem to be filling a daily quota rather than actually searching for suspicious activity. In fact, some observers believe that arrests are used in a calculated way to intimidate and control the Tamil population, rather than as a means to filter out suspected Tigers. The forces may be focusing specifically on family "breadwinners" to intentionally disrupt the social system, or arresting young boys to prevent them from being recruited as new Tiger cadres.
The increase in detentions has heightened concerns about the treatment of detainees, most of whom, according to several contacts, are routinely assaulted almost immediately upon arrest. Others explain that torture remains a regular occurrence, especially at the Military Intelligence detention camp, and that women are quite regularly sexually assaulted while in police or army custody.
For a variety of reasons, recourse to the judiciary for reported cases of abuse has been limited or even nonexistent. As per the norm, torture and rape victims wish to remain anonymous in order to avoid retaliation from the security forces and the social impact for themselves of bringing these charges out. And in addition, many contacts suggest, there are few, if any, lawyers in Trincomalee willing to take the personal risk to pursue such cases.
The government appointed Human Rights Task Force (HRTF) has been able to do virtually nothing about these allegations of abuse, and can therefore neither confirm nor deny them. Though technically empowered by the government, the HRTF in Trincomalee functions almost as an independent organization, and contacts suggest that the security forces, in particular, do not fully recognize the validity of the HRTF or allow it to use the whole range of its powers. In fact, officers at the Military Intelligence detention center, where most cases of assault, torture, and rape of detainees reportedly take place, have denied HRTF field-officers access to the center for "security reasons," functionally ignoring government directives which prohibit such actions. Also, contacts suggest that detainees who have been abused are routinely hidden from the HRTF until their conditions improve, a practice that has become fairly common throughout the North-East Province.
The HRTF is but one among several organizations that report some level of resistance from the security forces. Relief and rehabilitation NGOs based in Trincomalee town report no open opposition to their efforts, but they explain that military passes are routinely denied and unauthorized restrictions are often placed on relief supplies. Although NGO field-workers report few cases of direct harassment or threats, some PBI contacts said that they frequently travel into the field with the accompaniment of international NGOs in order to minimize the risk of harassment.
Organizations based in villages outside of Trincomalee town report greater difficulty in their work, and have experienced many problems with the forces in relation to their work in Tiger controlled areas. As a result, they also occasionally accompany international NGOs into the field, and never cross into "uncleared" areas on their own. Also, reports suggest that NGOs within Tiger- held territory have a similar problem (i.e. they do not or cannot cross into government-held territory for work purposes).
In at least one case, a Sri Lankan Army camp commander took a much more direct approach, reportedly compelling one village-based NGO to actually close down its operations completely. The organization was working to improve inter-ethnic relations by holding classes and workshops for students from all three communities in the area: Muslims, Tamils, and Sinhalese. Unfortunately, the local army commander felt the current situation was not appropriate for this kind of work.
Clearly, in such a context, war-weary civilians do not readily take risks, and for that reason, it was clear from all contacts that there is no role for the PBI to play in Trincomalee until we are able to commit to a long-term, regular or semi-regular presence (such as that currently undertaken in Batticaloa). At the same time, contacts did not refrain from suggesting some necessary areas of work that might require international support.
Many people explained that Trincomalee needs an independent, local organization that can actively pursue the interests and needs of the civilian population, especially in relation to human-rights issues and the behavior of the security forces. However, past experience of such work in Trincomalee has generated great fear of becoming involved in such efforts, even for fairly prominent local figures.
Despite these understandable fears, one contact in particular expressed interest in reestablishing the Trincomalee Citizen's Committee, which had previously ceased operation in response to threats and violence. He stressed, however, that international support would be necessary, especially during the formation period, and inquired about PBI's ability to offer protective accompaniment or monitoring for such an effort.
There is also a clearly demonstrated need for international support to revive NGO activity, especially in outlying villages. Already, local groups have taken to traveling with established international NGOs, and thus are familiar with the idea and effectiveness of international accompaniment. Some contacts suggest that the local organizations reporting difficulties might request PBI support for their work, especially because it might allow them more flexibility in their work than traveling with other development agencies, and would thus allow them to reach a wider range of villages.
Finally, some observers suggested the possibility of PBI involvement with lawyers and witnesses who might bring cases against the security forces. However, none of these suggestions came from potential lawyers or witnesses themselves, and as yet there have been no signs of motivation or willingness among such people to begin the process. Requests for this type of support, if they come at all, would not materialize until the people involved develop an extremely high level of trust and confidence in the impact of international monitoring.
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